Or, You can't just blame "progressives."
One cause of the Democrat's recent election disaster may have been what political Svengali, Ruy Teixeira identifies as one of four “terrible progressive ideas”:
Promoting lax law enforcement and tolerance of social disorder.
The results of the idea are illustrated vividly in Jamie Thompson's “Catching the Carjackers” in the November Atlantic.
Carjacking is one of several crimes that increased significantly from 2019 to 2023—by a factor of six, from 152 to 958 in DC. In her reporting for the article, Thompson rode with police in
the Carjacking Interdiction Unit of Prince George’s County, a suburb of
Washington DC.
Law enforcement officials she spoke with blamed the policing, prosecution and sentencing reforms of the past decade, along with anti-cop sentiments reflected in cries of “abolish the police.”
A frustrated officer pointed to a “coddling mindset” of the courts, citing
dozens of cases in which teens were arrested for armed carjacking, pleaded to this or to lesser charges, and were released on probation. Kids found to be involved in carjackings rarely seemed to get any significant time in juvenile detention. He compiled a list of what he called the “top offenders”—teens on probation for carjacking who went on to be charged with additional carjackings.
Cars have been hijacked near the Capitol and Supreme Court buildings. Victims include a Congressman and an FBI agent. Thompson quotes motorists who are afraid to stop for gas, a school administrator complaining about carjackers showing up in school a day after their arrest, and cops who have no incentive to do their job. Thompson writes:The carjacking crisis came at a time when police departments were already struggling to hire officers. The Prince George’s County Police Department, budgeted for 1,786 sworn officers, has about 350 open positions, leaving the force the smallest it’s been in a dozen years. (In 2012, according to Aziz, nearly 8,000 people applied to be police officers in the county; in 2022, only about 800 did, most of them unqualified.) D.C. has lost nearly 500 sworn officers since 2020, leaving the force at a half-century low of 3,285. Many officers who remained were hesitant to do proactive police work, preferring simply to respond to 911 calls. “The general feeling was If you’re not going to fund me, acknowledge me, or appreciate me, I’m going into self-preservation mode," [county police Major Sunny] Mrotek told me. To Mrotek and his colleagues, the relationship between the retreat from aggressive policing and the explosion of violent crime seemed obvious.
The article reads like a confirmation of every critique you might have encountered on Fox News of the progressive policing reforms of the past decade.
If it was inevitable that denigrating police and releasing criminals from detention would lead to an increase in crime, it was also inevitable that a rising crime rate would hurt Democrats and help the party of “Law and Order,” as it did in 1968 and some other elections since then. But in 2020, even mentioning what happened in 1968 could get you in trouble on the left. David Shor (a self-described socialist) lost his job in a Democratic think tank for tweeting—during the sometimes-violent George Floyd protests—that social disorder in 1968 helped Nixon win the presidency on a law-and-order platform.
We should have listened, because when it becomes unsafe to stop for gas, policies that restore safety in the short term are going to displace all others, including every other progressive or Democratic priority.
In much of the post-election discussion of why Kamala Harris lost the election, the reforms that led to the rise in crime—as well as all the other policy ideas that voters seem to have been rejecting—are being laid at the feet of the “progressive” wing of the party by analysts like Teixeira.
Democrats need to reject progressivism and move toward the moderate center, the punditry is saying. They need to give the reins of the party back to the Democratic Leadership Council types (that is, Bill Clinton), who so successfully resuscitated the party’s fortunes in the1990s. I’ve been arguing all fall that this progressive-moderate distinction misses the point. The party needs to be more discerning as it changes its course and pick and choose between progressive and moderate approaches to different policies.
We need different terminology.
The key divide in the party is not between “progressives and moderates,” but between the class-focused and identitarians. Or, if you prefer, between normies and the awokened. How about the intersectional left and the universalist left? Or populists vs technocrats?
Or, as substacker John Halpin would have it, Bernie Sanders of 2016 (“who ran a sharply focused class-based campaign in 2016 against the Democratic establishment and Trump”) vs. Bernie Sanders of 2020 (“an intersectional cornucopia of ‘economic, racial, social, and environmental justice for all.’”)
In a previous post, I described the relentless hounding that led Sanders to make that switch, and it illustrates the dynamics that will make it hard for the party to resist pandering to identity-based appeals in the future. One of those dynamics was the power of the Black vote in key Democratic primaries, which overwhelmingly went to Clinton in 2016.
But it turns out that Bernie’s adoption of an “intersectional cornucopia” did nothing to attract more Black voters in 2020 primaries. It turns out that Blacks are the most conservative element in the Democratic coalition.
It’s true that some of the most enthusiastic promoters of law enforcement reforms were people who call themselves “progressive.”
But in the 2010s, progressives, liberals, and lots of people all over the spectrum were increasingly—and rightly—becoming alarmed about the impact of the criminal justice system on Blacks, particularly black men.
Michelle Alexander’s exposé of the mass incarceration of Black men in 2010 (The New Jim Crow), followed by a train of high-profile police shootings from Michael Brown to George Floyd, led to a broad consensus that extended beyond “progressives” in favor of policing and sentencing reform and eventually led to the bipartisan “First Step Act,” which President Trump signed in December of 2018 and bragged about, at least for a while.
Some advocates, however, undermined this emerging consensus by taking reform ideas to extremes with the slogans “abolish the police,” and “defund the police.” Mainstream Democratic politicians, not wanting to alienate the reformers, expressed support for the sentiments behind the slogan. Kamala Harris’s comments, dredged up by CNN shortly after President Biden handed her the Democratic nomination in July, were typical:
“This whole movement is about rightly saying, we need to take a look at these budgets and figure out whether it reflects the right priorities,” Harris said on a New York-based radio program, “Ebro in the Morning” on June 9, 2020, adding that US cities were “militarizing police” but “defunding public schools”…. In an interview a day earlier, Harris also lauded Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti for his decision to slash $150 million from the police budget and move it into social services.
From the beginning of his 2016 campaign, Sanders talked about spending more on schools than on prisons, but he de-emphasized race in the policies he advocated to address the mass incarceration and police shooting of black men.
He rejected both “abolish” and “defund,” and suggested spending more money to improve policing. “There’s no city in the world that does not have police departments,” he told a New Yorker interviewer.
I think we want to redefine what police departments do, give them the support they need to make their jobs better defined. So I do believe that we need well-trained, well-educated, and well-paid professionals in police departments. Anyone who thinks that we should abolish all police departments in America, I don’t agree.
These aren’t the sentiments that devastated the morale of DC police.
Soon after Sanders entered the 2015 race, a Vox piece explained Sanders’ class-first approach to the problems of African Americans.
His response to events like the unrest in Ferguson in 2014, or in Baltimore this spring — which to other progressives were a reminder of structural racism in the criminal justice system — was to focus on local youth unemployment rates, and call for more young black Americans to get jobs. To Sanders, that’s the ultimate solution to the underlying problem. To progressives who think addressing racism is an end in itself, that’s a separate issue from getting police to stop killing young black Americans.
(2020-Sanders’ laundry list of criminal justice reforms.)
Sanders was criticized by race-first advocates of criminal justice reform for this approach and in general derided as clueless about how to speak to Black voters.
But the Atlantic car-jacking story seems to suggest that 2016-Sanders was right, and the problem of crime in DC stems more from material depravation than racism in the police force.
After apprehending a 12-year-old carjacker, officer Sara Cavanagh, searched his home—a two-room apartment housing 10 people, riddled with cockroaches. She found rotting take-out food under a bed but nothing in the refrigerator. Police records revealed that the boy had been physically abused at the age of 6. During his arrest, Cavanagh discovered he had been victim of a shooting and still had a bullet in his back.
Thompson reported that about half of the juveniles arrested by the carjacking unit have had previous interactions with the cops as victims.
“I really didn’t want to like this kid—he’d just carjacked an old lady,” said Cavanagh, who is white. “But I felt sorry for him.”
But what is to be done? Conservatives might blame the breakdown of family life caused by civilizational decay for the conditions in that boy’s home. Liberals and progressives would blame structural forces. Bernie pointed to economic structures. “Structural racism” became the favored explanation across the left in 2020.
Ta-Nehisi Coates organized his influential best-seller about the central importance of race in American life, Between the World and Me, around the police shooting of his friend even though the offending cop was Black.
Defining the problem as racial leads to the search for racists, which inevitably led to framing the police as the villains in the story. Derek Chauvin seemed to confirm this narrative. Hence, “abolish the police.”
But agents of DC law enforcement in Thompson’s story don’t seem like nasty racists.
Like Cavanagh, those quoted in the story have sympathy for perpetrators who have been the victims of brutalizing conditions. But they have more sympathy for the mostly Black victims of their crimes.
“It’s really important to hold two ideas in your brain at the same time,” the first assistant attorney general in DC told Thompson, “Carjacking is a terrible crime that has terrible effects on victims—and these are children who don’t have the same decision-making abilities as adults. A child who commits a crime like this has already been failed in so many ways.”
The notion that this failure involves systemic racism led to reforms that may have eased white guilt—but it they also led to more carjackings.
DC Attorney General Brian Schwab called for “a ‘both and” approach’: Violent offenders must face aggressive prosecution—and communities must address root causes of crime. Rather than careening wildely from one extreme (defund the police) to the other (lock ‘em up).”
Viewing the root causes as material rather than racial might lead to better reforms.
Some of the commentary after the election suggest a recognition that the party needs to shift to an economic populist message while de-emphasizing identity issues. Left-leaning Democratic pundits ranging from Ezra Klein to David Brooks suggested the party went wrong in not following the lead of 2016-Sanders.
But the tendency to use the simplistic progressive-moderate binary continues, and it unnecessarily muddles the brains of both the progressive and the moderate left, preventing the adjustments necessary to piece together a winning coalition. It's not just "moving to the center."
And if the Democratic Party can’t do it, there are those in the Republican coalition who think they can. Meet Patrick Ruffini—the Republican Pollster who has laid out a plan for the Republican Party to assemble a populist, working class coalition that will lead to an unbeatable majority. The natural home of the majority of Americans without a college degree, he argues in his book The Party of the People, is now the Republican, not the Democratic Party. His book is an effort to show them the way to permanently capture those voters.